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		<title>BLMs &#8220;Energy Investment&#8221; Rule 2.5; Ignore Global Warming!</title>
		<link>http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/27/blms-energy-investment-rule-2-5-ignore-gobal-warming/</link>
		<comments>http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/27/blms-energy-investment-rule-2-5-ignore-gobal-warming/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 27 Nov 2009 03:05:31 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>compassionate1</dc:creator>
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		<description><![CDATA[Why? You wont believe the reason. Read on; An Introduction to Mining Investment &#8211; Understanding the Risks Part 2: Information Change Level Course Map Help Information &#8230; &#124; Experts &#8230; &#124; Politicians and Spectacle &#8230; &#124; Global Warming &#8230; &#124; &#8230; <a href="http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/27/blms-energy-investment-rule-2-5-ignore-gobal-warming/">Continue reading <span class="meta-nav">&#8594;</span></a><img alt="" border="0" src="http://stats.wordpress.com/b.gif?host=publiclandwars.wordpress.com&amp;blog=9189990&amp;post=104&amp;subd=publiclandwars&amp;ref=&amp;feed=1" width="1" height="1" />]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Why? You wont believe the reason. Read on;</p>
<p>An Introduction to Mining Investment &#8211; Understanding the Risks<br />
Part 2: Information Change Level Course Map Help </p>
<p>Information &#8230; | Experts &#8230; | Politicians and Spectacle &#8230; | Global Warming &#8230; | Sources &#8230; | Review #2 &#8230;<br />
Investment Rule: Global Warming<br />
Session Headings: Investment Rule 2.5</p>
<p>&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8211;</p>
<p>Investment Rule 2.5<br />
Do not worry about global warming affecting mining investing.</p>
<p>You do not have to read the paper, Climate Change Risk and Impact Assessment for Global Diversified Mining Group, for I summarize it below. The paper deals with the potential impact of global warming on mining. You can probably access the paper on the SME site OneMine. I note the paper here so that we can quickly dispense with the issue of global warming as a risk factor in mining investing.</p>
<p>The paper describes &#8220;a project undertaken for a multinational mining company to examine the physical risks from climate change across its international business operations.  The study addresses 163 components of the business including operating sites (mines, smelters, and refineries), key transportation routes (road and rail) and port links.&#8221;  It almost sounds like Rio Tinto, although the paper does not tells us which mining company commissioned the study.</p>
<p>The conclusions of this study:</p>
<p>&#8220;Examples of key risks identified include: (1) Flooding of key transportation networks; (2) Loss of glacial melt water in South America. and (3) Loss of permafrost.  A considerable proportion of the risk was found to be borne by the transportation networks and ports… as they generally present much larger targets for extreme weather events than individual facilities.&#8221;</p>
<p>Ekati and Diavik lose their ice roads, Antamina runs out of water, the rail lines in Australia get washed out by flash floods, the ports need to raise their piers, and those mining-impacted glaciers that everybody is fighting about in South America simply disappear.</p>
<p>With uncanny prescience, the report notes these risks to mining in Australia resulting from global warming:</p>
<p>&#8220;Greater incidence of water stress; increased risk of wildfires; increased incidence of extreme events, i.e., hurricane, tornado; greater incidence of disease; increased risk of flash floods.&#8221;</p>
<p>What we do not learn from the paper is what the mining group will do with this information.  Maybe their consultants will have to design for longer recurrence interval floods, provide more freeboard, go for thickened paste tailings, drill deeper into groundwater aquifers, and find a new way to get equipment to diamond mines in the far north of Canada.</p>
<p>Somehow these challenges seem very minor and trivial by comparison with the immediate issues of layoffs, no credit, takeover by the Chinese,  and heavy snow blanketing London and Vancouver.  I am sure that miners will find ways to cope with the small problems imposed by global warming, for they seem to be far less challenging than the day-to-day challenges miners deal with successfully all the time.</p>
<p>Thus stands my conclusion that global warming is <em><strong>highly unlikely to affect the value of any of the mining shares you or I are likely to buy in the short to medium time frame.</strong></em><br />
&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;-<br />
So there we have it. Not too worry about global warming as it wont effect their short-term profits. Wow. </p>
<p> Sources of Information; BLM Course-work..<br />
An Introduction to Mining Investment &#8211; Understanding the Risks &#8211; 15 October 2009; </p>
<p>http://premium.infomine.com/edumine/xutility/html/template.htm?category=xcourse&#038;course=xinv101&#038;session=doc0203.xml&#038;level=text&#038;lang=EN</p>
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		<title>Big Horn Sheep Die-Off / Montana</title>
		<link>http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/27/big-horn-sheep-die-off-montana/</link>
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		<pubDate>Thu, 26 Nov 2009 18:50:06 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>compassionate1</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Public Lands Mismanagement]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[Caught, no doubt, from domestic sheep "welfare grazing" on our public lands. Any animal-heath expert wil tell you, exposure to domestic animals make wild ones sick. I say NOW is the time to end the welfare ranching system and remove privately owned domestic stock from our public lands,..they are the ones pounding it to dust and making it bad for everyother living thing trying to survivie out there, including our wild horses and burros. <a href="http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/27/big-horn-sheep-die-off-montana/">Continue reading <span class="meta-nav">&#8594;</span></a><img alt="" border="0" src="http://stats.wordpress.com/b.gif?host=publiclandwars.wordpress.com&amp;blog=9189990&amp;post=102&amp;subd=publiclandwars&amp;ref=&amp;feed=1" width="1" height="1" />]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>PNEUMONIA, BIGHORN SHEEP &#8211; USA: (MONTANA)<br />
*****************************************<br />
A ProMED-mail post</p>
<p>ProMED-mail is a program of the<br />
International Society for Infectious Diseases</p>
<p>[1]<br />
Date: Wed 25 Nov 2009<br />
Source: Local News 8.com, Associated Press (AP) report [edited]</p>
<p>Bighorn sheep near Darby dying of pneumonia<br />
&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;-<br />
Montana wildlife officials say 2 bighorn sheep south of Darby have<br />
died from pneumonia &#8212; raising fears about the health of a large herd<br />
along the East Fork of the Bitterroot.</p>
<p>Pneumonia outbreaks among bighorn sheep can cause herd die offs. One<br />
last year [2008] in the Elkhorn Mountains near Helena killed an<br />
estimated 200 sheep and similar die-offs occurred in 1995 in the<br />
Highland Mountains and 1993 in the Tendoy Mountains.</p>
<p>Fish, Wildlife and Parks veterinarian Jennifer Ramsey says wildlife<br />
agents plan to cull the East Fork Bitterroot Herd to remove sick<br />
animals. The hope is to limit the spread of the disease, but once an<br />
animal becomes sick it will likely die in a matter of days.</p>
<p>The herd of about 185 sheep was established in 1972 when 32 of the<br />
animals were transplanted into the area.</p>
<p>&#8211;<br />
Communicated by:<br />
ProMED-mail</p>
<p>******<br />
[2]<br />
Date: Wed 25 Nov 2009<br />
Source: Missoulain.com, Ravalli Republic report [edited]</p>
<p>Bitterroot bighorn sheep herd has pneumonia; disease fatal<br />
&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;-<br />
State wildlife officials have confirmed that bighorn sheep from the<br />
East Fork Bitterroot herd south of Darby recently died of pneumonia.</p>
<p>&#8220;It&#8217;s really bad news,&#8221; said Craig Jourdonnais, Bitterroot-based<br />
biologist for Montana Fish, Wildlife and Parks. &#8220;There&#8217;s been a<br />
history of herds losing 60 to 70 percent of their numbers in a very<br />
short period of time when something like this hits.&#8221;</p>
<p>The nearly always fatal respiratory disease was first suspected after<br />
hunters reported seeing coughing bighorn sheep near the East Fork<br />
last Sunday [22 Nov 2009].</p>
<p>Jourdonnais said he found 2 dead sheep on the East Fork Road. The 2<br />
rams &#8212; an 8 1/2- and 4 1/2-year-old &#8212; tested positive for pneumonia<br />
at FWP&#8217;s wildlife laboratory in Bozeman Tuesday [24 Nov 2009].</p>
<p>&#8220;Both had a very advanced case of pneumonia,&#8221; Jourdonnais said. &#8220;The<br />
vet had to almost peel their lungs away from the rib cage.&#8221;</p>
<p>Jennifer Ramsey, FWP&#8217;s wildlife veterinarian in Bozeman said the<br />
state will attempt to cull more sheep from the herd over the coming<br />
weeks. &#8220;Our top priority is to remove sick and dying animals and to<br />
collect biological samples for testing,&#8221; she said. &#8220;Additional<br />
laboratory tests will determine the specific strain of the bacteria,<br />
and removing sick animals could help slow the spread of the disease.&#8221;</p>
<p>Jourdonnais said he will shoot 3 or 4 sheep that are exhibiting signs<br />
of the disease on Wednesday [25 Nov 2009] for further testing.<br />
&#8220;Typically we don&#8217;t have a lot of options in cases like this,&#8221;<br />
Jourdonnais said. &#8220;It tends to have to run its course.&#8221; Once bighorns<br />
contract pneumonia, they die within a few days. There are no known<br />
vaccines to prevent pneumonia in wild sheep.</p>
<p>The East Fork bighorn sheep herd was established in 1972 when 35<br />
sheep ere transplanted there.</p>
<p>Jourdonnais said he counted 185 sheep last year [2008] during an<br />
aerial survey last March [2009]. &#8220;They all looked vibrant and healthy<br />
at that time,&#8221; he said.</p>
<p>The herd has been the source of some &#8220;tremendous rams&#8221; over the past<br />
few years, with a few close to record book size, Jourdonnais said.<br />
&#8220;They are a real asset to the Bitterroot,&#8221; he said. &#8220;The East Fork<br />
herd is pretty well known.&#8221;</p>
<p>In extreme cases, pneumonia-related outbreaks among bighorn sheep can<br />
result in herd &#8220;die-offs.&#8221; The most recent case in Montana occurred<br />
in the Elkhorn Mountains near Helena. Similar die-offs happened in<br />
the Highland Mountains in 1995 and in the Tendoy Mountains in 1993.</p>
<p>Jourdonnais said there&#8217;s no evidence the disease originated in<br />
domestic sheep or goats. &#8220;We do have a few isolated herds of sheep<br />
and goats nearby, but there is absolutely no knowledge that has<br />
anything to do with what&#8217;s going on here,&#8221; he said.</p>
<p>It is illegal to possess a bighorn sheep head picked up in the wild.<br />
Anyone who finds a dead or sick bighorn sheep is asked to call FWP in<br />
Missoula at 542-5500.</p>
<p>[Byline: Perry Backus]</p>
<p>&#8211;<br />
Communicated by:<br />
ProMED-mail</p>
<p>[_Mannheimia haemolytica_ (formerly _Pasteurella haemolytica_) and<br />
_Pasteurella multocida_ are the most common bacterial organisms<br />
causing pneumonia in sheep. Most sheep affected do display some<br />
degree of anorexia, some evidence of labored breathing, and loss of<br />
weight.</p>
<p>While culling of sick animals may seem extreme, this particular<br />
disease runs through bighorn sheep with disastrous results so it may<br />
be the way to save the larger portion of the herd.</p>
<p>If samples from any of the bighorn sheep have been sent for testing,<br />
we would appreciate knowing outcome of the bacterial cultures.</p>
<p>Various photos of bighorn sheep may be found at<br />
. - Mod.TG]</p>
<p>[The state of Montana in the Western United States can be seen on the<br />
HealthMap/ProMED-mail interactive map at<br />
. - Sr.Tech.Ed.MJ]</p>
<p>[see also:<br />
2006<br />
----<br />
Pneumonia, bighorn sheep - USA (NM) 20060316.0824<br />
2005<br />
----<br />
Pneumonia, bighorn sheep - USA (CA) 20050828.2546<br />
Pneumonia, bighorn sheep - USA (SD) (02) 20050312.0729<br />
Pneumonia, bighorn sheep - USA (SD) 20050309.0699<br />
2004<br />
----<br />
Brucellosis, bighorn sheep - USA (WY) 20040118.0194<br />
2002<br />
----<br />
Unexplained pneumonia, bighorn sheep - USA (Wyoming) 20020322.3791<br />
1999<br />
----<br />
Epizootic hem. disease, deer, bighorn sheep - Canada (BC) 19991109.2005<br />
1998<br />
----<br />
Psoroptic mange, bighorn sheep - USA (Utah) (02) 19980115.0114<br />
Psoroptic mange, bighorn sheep - USA (Utah) 19980106.0031<br />
1996<br />
----<br />
Bighorn sheep mortality, 1995 19960718.1287]<br />
&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;..sb/tg/mj/lm</p>
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		<title>Peruvians Protest Really Hard Against Destructive Mining</title>
		<link>http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/17/peruvians-protest-really-hard-against-destructive-mining/</link>
		<comments>http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/17/peruvians-protest-really-hard-against-destructive-mining/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2009 17:28:19 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>compassionate1</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Oil and Gas]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[INSIGHTS: Death at Dawn in a Peruvian Mining Camp By Alejandro Zegarra Pezo PIURA, Peru, November 13, 2009 (ENS) &#8211; It is four in the morning on Sunday, November 1 in the paramo and cloud forest of Huancabamba, Piura Department &#8230; <a href="http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/17/peruvians-protest-really-hard-against-destructive-mining/">Continue reading <span class="meta-nav">&#8594;</span></a><img alt="" border="0" src="http://stats.wordpress.com/b.gif?host=publiclandwars.wordpress.com&amp;blog=9189990&amp;post=101&amp;subd=publiclandwars&amp;ref=&amp;feed=1" width="1" height="1" />]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>INSIGHTS: Death at Dawn in a Peruvian Mining Camp</p>
<p>By Alejandro Zegarra Pezo<br />
PIURA, Peru, November 13, 2009 (ENS) &#8211; It is four in the morning on Sunday, November 1 in the paramo and cloud forest of Huancabamba, Piura Department in northern Peru. Harsh detonations and yellow refulgence break the calm of a chilly dawn in this presently occupied habitat of the nearly extinct mountain tapir.<br />
Here, the mining encampment of Henry Hills is incongruously located high in the Peruvian Andes. The camp is about four hours by 4WD vehicle and 10 hours by foot from the quaint regional seat of Huancabamba and is owned by Rio Blanco-Copper, a subsidiary of the Chinese company Zijin, formerly Majaz subsidiary of Monterrico of England. Monterrico&#8217;s principal asset is the wholly owned Rio Blanco Copper Project. </p>
<p>Rio Blanco mining camp at Henry Hill, in the Peruvian Andes, where the attack took place. (Photo courtesy Monterrico)<br />
An estimated 20 armed persons with their rifles and Molotov cocktails bombard this encampment where 14 employees peacefully sleep. With the precise aim of their rifles, the assailants easily bring down two young guards, Joel Martin Severino Zapata and Luis Guillermo Gomez Vilchez, as well as the administrator of the encampment, Eduardo Ramirez Montero. They die terrible deaths and one of them is carbonized by the fires set by these anonymous attackers.<br />
Able to escape the flames that consumed 80 percent of the mining encampment, the other employees flee and hide out in the steepest and wildest mountains until they can finally escape and advise authorities.<br />
The Henry Hills installation was named by former British miners in the area and is one of four installations started by Majaz to extract copper by open pit mining within this vital remnant paramo and cloud forest region of northern Peru. The Rio Blanco copper and molybdenum deposit is one of the largest undeveloped copper resources in the world.<br />
This is located smack dab in the heart of the exceptional Cerro Negro region fed by Rio Blanco itself. Here remains one of the last and certainly the largest population of the nearly extinct endangered mountain tapir in Peru. It is estimated that only a few hundred remain in our nation.<br />
Many endemic species also occur here, a large portion of which are endangered with extinction as judged by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature, Species Survival Commission and/or by Peruvian authorities as stated in Supreme Decree 034-2, 004. </p>
<p>A mountain tapir in Peru (Photo by Rennett Stowe)<br />
Near the encampment is the small national Tabaconas Namballe Ecological Sanctuary of 29,500 hectares that protects endangered species such as the mountain tapir, Tapirus pinchaque, and spectacled bear, Tremarctos ornatus. Of hallmark importance also are the water resources of this highland area.<br />
The deaths of these young miners are lamentable and could have been avoided had the mining company not persisted in occupying campesino community land. The communities here rejected the mining projects in a democratic referendum on September 2007 by more than 95 percent.<br />
These same mining–resisting campesinos have been subject to persecution and even torture as well as assassinations for years, even within their own territories of Ayabaca and Huancabamba.<br />
The campesino demands for justice concerning their illegal incarcerations, torturing&#8217;s, and killings have not been fairly heard by Peruvian authorities. In one case, over 30 campesinos were detained and tortured, accused of terrorism simply for trying to dialogue with the miners that were occupying their territories that contain forests and paramos.<br />
In other words, the social will and ambience of this region has always been against mining, yet the mining companies always try to minimize and dismiss this resistance as having roots in ignorant, non-progressive classes of people.<br />
On November 7, the President of the Council of Ministers Javier Velasquez announced that in view of the recent attack, the government of Peru would install a military base in the zone of the encampment. This would guarantee that the mining company, and other similar companies, could act with total impunity as concerns their infringements upon the communities of Yanta in Ayabaca and Segunda-Cajas in Huancabamba. </p>
<p>Mountain road near Huancabamba (Photo by Tom Kerem)<br />
These are the communities whose land contains the greatest center of remaining occupied mountain tapir habitat along with a plethoric biodiversity and archeology, both unique in the world – but now at great risk of being obliterated from the face of the Earth.<br />
It is not out of the question that the soldiers would be given an order to eliminate the mountain tapirs, since their presence as an endangered species in the zone could prohibit the open pit mining activities being planned.<br />
We cannot afford to stall in our conservation efforts. The time is crucial to attain our objective in shortest duration, this being the Cerro Negro Nature Sanctuary.<br />
For the mining companies and executive government officials of Peru, human lives mean little and wildlife much less. They only desire the minerals that lie beneath the soil of our magnificent paramos and cloud forests.<br />
All the anciently evolved plants and animals, they willingly sacrifice in order to extract the monetarily valued metals, often found in very low concentrations, hence the massive processing of vast quantities of rock through open-pit mines.<br />
Moneyed interests seek to impose their destructive mines on this headwaters area, but with the knowledge and will of the people, they will not succeed!<br />
{Translated from the Spanish by Craig C. Downer, President, Andean Tapir Fund}</p>
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		<title>Utah rock art canyon up for historic designation</title>
		<link>http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/15/utah-rock-art-canyon-up-for-historic-designation/</link>
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		<pubDate>Sun, 15 Nov 2009 15:01:59 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>compassionate1</dc:creator>
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		<description><![CDATA[By MIKE STARK Associated Press Writer Parts of a remote central Utah canyon decorated with ancient Indian art are being nominated for the National Register of Historic Places. The Bureau of Land Management this week nominated 63 sites along Nine &#8230; <a href="http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/15/utah-rock-art-canyon-up-for-historic-designation/">Continue reading <span class="meta-nav">&#8594;</span></a><img alt="" border="0" src="http://stats.wordpress.com/b.gif?host=publiclandwars.wordpress.com&amp;blog=9189990&amp;post=100&amp;subd=publiclandwars&amp;ref=&amp;feed=1" width="1" height="1" />]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>By MIKE STARK   Associated Press Writer<br />
Parts of a remote central Utah canyon decorated with ancient Indian art are being nominated for the National Register of Historic Places.</p>
<p>The Bureau of Land Management this week nominated 63 sites along Nine Mile Canyon, which some call the world&#8217;s longest art gallery. It contains more than 10,000 prehistoric rock carvings and paintings of bighorn sheep, owls, a two-headed snake, spear-wielding hunters and warriors engaged in hand-to-hand combat.</p>
<p>In the coming years, the BLM in Utah plans to nominate more than 800 sites in the canyon for the national register, according to Megan Crandall, an agency spokeswoman in Salt Lake City. She said it&#8217;s the largest such attempt for archaeological sites in Utah.</p>
<p>The canyon is a prized destination for rock art enthusiasts. It&#8217;s also been a place of controversy because of plans for nearby mineral development.</p>
<p>The BLM is about to launch another in-depth study on the nearby West Tavaputs Plateau. The agency has been considering a proposal that would allow about 800 more natural gas wells in the area and increase truck traffic on the narrow, 78-mile road that snakes through the sandstone and shale canyon.</p>
<p>Conservationists worry the extra truck traffic would kick up dust in the canyon and jeopardize the irreplaceable rock art.</p>
<p>Listing on the National Register is an honorific designation and wouldn&#8217;t provide additional protections for the canyon&#8217;s petroglyphs and pictographs. It may, though, prompt decision-makers to be more thoughtful about development in the area, said Wilson Martin, Utah&#8217;s state historic preservation officer.</p>
<p>&#8220;People come from all over the world to see this level of concentration,&#8221; Martin said.</p>
<p>Pam Miller, chair of the Nine Mile Canyon Coalition, which advocates for the canyon&#8217;s protection, said her group is thrilled by the nominations — first sought more than 30 years ago — even though they would have preferred creation of a historic district rather than nominations for individual properties.</p>
<p>&#8220;What this listing will say is this is a place that&#8217;s valued in this country,&#8221; Miller said. &#8220;It doesn&#8217;t stop anything but it&#8217;s another way to get it on the table for discussion.&#8221;</p>
<p>The canyon&#8217;s drawings and carvings, easily spotted today from the unpaved road, have been a source of fascination and speculation since their discovery in the late 1800s. Some of the art is believed to be the work of the mysterious Fremont people, who lived in present-day Utah, Idaho, Colorado and Nevada from 700 to 1300 A.D.</p>
<p>Other inscriptions in the canyon&#8217;s walls are from the Ute Indians, early explorers and members of the U.S 9th Cavalry.</p>
<p>The first batch nominated for the national register includes 19 rock art sites, 40 that include evidence of people living and working during the Fremont period and four sites with homesteads and cabins from the late 1800s and early 1900s. All the proposed properties are on BLM land.</p>
<p>The public has until Nov. 25 to comment on the nominations.</p>
<p>The next round of nominations likely won&#8217;t be finished until next year.</p>
<p>Crandall said the designation for portions of Nine Mile Canyon, which is a mix of public and private property, is a clear statement of the area&#8217;s cultural importance.</p>
<p>The National Register is administered by the National Park Service. The BLM says about 30,000 properties are added to the list each year, often for historic buildings or districts.</p>
<p>http://license.icopyright.net/user/viewContent.act?clipid=400713955&#038;mode=cnc&#038;tag=3.5721%3Ficx_id%3D20091112-pf1onfile-V0924</p>
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		<title>Industrial Gas Drilling in NYS</title>
		<link>http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/06/industrial-gas-drilling-in-nys/</link>
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		<pubDate>Fri, 06 Nov 2009 13:53:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>compassionate1</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Oil and Gas]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[Few people realize that NYS has more National Parkland than all of the Western States Combined! &#8211; and now, apparently, share the same problems with our western neighbors re: land management and energy exploration; Industrial Gas Drilling Since July 2008 &#8230; <a href="http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/06/industrial-gas-drilling-in-nys/">Continue reading <span class="meta-nav">&#8594;</span></a><img alt="" border="0" src="http://stats.wordpress.com/b.gif?host=publiclandwars.wordpress.com&amp;blog=9189990&amp;post=98&amp;subd=publiclandwars&amp;ref=&amp;feed=1" width="1" height="1" />]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Few people realize that NYS has more National Parkland than all of the Western States Combined! &#8211; and now, apparently, share the same problems with our western neighbors re: land management and energy exploration; </p>
<p>Industrial Gas Drilling </p>
<p>Since July 2008 Riverkeeper has tracked the prospect of industrial gas drilling in New York State. While gas drilling in New York is not new, what is new is the magnitude, scope, and location of the proposed drilling method of high-volume hydraulic fracturing. Indeed, industrial gas drilling throughout the Marcellus Shale and other shale reserves in New York has the potential to impact the environment and communities dramatically.</p>
<p>This is one reason why Governor Paterson ordered New York State to update an outdated environmental review of gas drilling impacts.</p>
<p>The entire West-of-Hudson portion of the New York City Watershed (supplying 90% of drinking water to over half the state’s population) sits on top of part of the Marcellus Shale, a large mineral reserve deposit deep beneath the earth’s surface. Oil and gas companies have known about this shale reserve for decades, but the technology to extract natural gas from it has become available only recently. The Marcellus Shale spans across at least five states. To extract natural gas from the mineral reserve, oil companies plan to use a process called “hydraulic fracturing.”</p>
<p>Fracturing involves injecting toxic chemicals, sand, and millions of gallons of water under high pressure directly into shale formations. This toxic brew, along with any natural gas, is then extracted, or leaked to the surface. Whether any toxic discharges will flow into New York City’s drinking water supply is uncertain.</p>
<p>Riverkeeper has led the charge for industrial gas drilling using high-volume hydraulic fracturing to be banned within the NYC Watershed and all other sensitive water supply areas.</p>
<p>RvK Gas Drilling Reporter Vol. I<br />
RvK Gas Drilling Reporter Vol. 2<br />
RvK Gas Drilling Reporter Vol. 3<br />
RvK Gas Drilling Reporter Vol. 4<br />
RvK Gas Drilling Reporter Vol. 5<br />
News and Press Releases</p>
<p>http://www.riverkeeper.org/campaigns/safeguard/gas-drilling/</p>
<p>NY National Parks / More National Parkland than All of the Western  State Parklands Combined!</p>
<p>http://www.thingstodo.com/states/NY/nationalparks/index.htm</p>
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		<title>Property Rights and the Public Trust</title>
		<link>http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/03/property-rights-and-the-public-trust/</link>
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		<pubDate>Tue, 03 Nov 2009 06:20:57 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description><![CDATA[J. Brewer and G.D. Libecap Property rights and the public trust doctrine in environmental protection and natural resource conservation* Jedidiah Brewer and Gary D. Libecap † We examine the implications of the public trust doctrine in natural resource protection and &#8230; <a href="http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/03/property-rights-and-the-public-trust/">Continue reading <span class="meta-nav">&#8594;</span></a><img alt="" border="0" src="http://stats.wordpress.com/b.gif?host=publiclandwars.wordpress.com&amp;blog=9189990&amp;post=97&amp;subd=publiclandwars&amp;ref=&amp;feed=1" width="1" height="1" />]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p> J. Brewer and G.D. Libecap<br />
Property rights and the public trust doctrine in<br />
environmental protection and natural resource<br />
conservation*<br />
Jedidiah Brewer and Gary D. Libecap<br />
†<br />
We examine the implications of the public trust doctrine in natural resource protection<br />
and conservation. A model of litigation and settlement among disputing parties<br />
suggests that the public trust doctrine introduces more costs and is more time consuming<br />
than would be the case with alternative approaches, such as the purchase of private<br />
rights through market transactions or application of eminent domain powers to<br />
reallocate the resource. Because the doctrine allows for uncompensated redistribution,<br />
it is resisted by current resource owners. Furthermore, by providing open standing to<br />
members of the public in challenging existing uses, public trust disputes encourage<br />
excessive demands, increasing the incidence of trial over settlement. This outcome is<br />
exacerbated if the plaintiffs derive utility from the ‘cause’ and provide litigation<br />
services at below-market rates, leading to greater investment in litigation. The costs of<br />
the public trust doctrine appear to have limited its application beyond the level<br />
anticipated by proponents. We present a case study of Mono Lake, part of the well-known<br />
1983 litigation,<br />
National Audubon v. Superior Court<br />
to illustrate our arguments.<br />
Key words:<br />
property rights, public trust doctrine, trial settlement.<br />
More often, the situation is one in which a court seeks to deal with the<br />
ramifications of a private property system in relation to resources which<br />
have the element of commonality. . . . In such circumstances courts are<br />
inclined to scrutinize with great care claims that private property rights<br />
should be found to be superior to the claim of continued public regulatory<br />
authority. (Sax, 1970, 562–30)<br />
1. Introduction<br />
In 1970, at the time of the rise of the modern environmental movement,<br />
Professor Joseph Sax argued that the public trust doctrine could be employed<br />
* Helpful comments were received at the Western Economics Association Meetings, Seattle,<br />
2007 and at workshops presented at the University of Arizona and UCSB. Research support<br />
was provided by the Earhart Foundation, International Center for Economic Research<br />
(ICER), the Property and Environment Research Center (PERC), and National Science<br />
Foundation Grant 0317375.<br />
†<br />
Gary D. Libecap (email: glibecap@bren.ucsb.edu), Bren School of Environmental Science and<br />
Management, Economics Department, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA, USA; National<br />
Bureau of Economic Research, USA. Jedidiah Brewer, FRMC, Inc., Bellingham, WA, USA.<br />
2 J. Brewer and G.D. Libecap<br />
Journal compilation © 2009 Australian Agricultural and Resource Economics Society Inc. and Blackwell Publishing Asia Pty Ltd<br />
No claim to original US government works<br />
as a powerful tool for ‘effective judicial intervention’ on behalf of environmental<br />
protection and natural resource conservation.<br />
1<br />
His overarching concern<br />
was that ‘diffuse public interests need protection against tightly organised<br />
groups with clear and immediate goals.’<br />
2<br />
According to Sax, the judiciary<br />
could play a vital role in directing public policy for protecting ‘resource<br />
interests which have the quality of diffuse public uses’ and hence would be<br />
underrepresented against the demands of more narrow private interests.<br />
3<br />
The courts could intervene to reorient legislatures and administrative<br />
agencies in environmental and natural resource regulation.<br />
4<br />
They could<br />
retrospectively ‘read into patents or grants implied conditions, such as<br />
servitude in favour of the public trust.’<br />
5<br />
Public resources could be reallocated<br />
from narrower to broader uses. Under those circumstances, there would<br />
be no takings of private property improperly granted in the first place. The<br />
article energized legal scholars to outline new applications of the doctrine<br />
and environmental advocates to petition for judicial intervention in the name<br />
of the public trust.<br />
6<br />
As a legal principle, the public trust doctrine historically had applied<br />
narrowly to the right of the public to access navigable waterways without<br />
being impeded by private riparian owners. Although there had been controversial,<br />
limited extension of the doctrine in the 19th century to public<br />
ownership of some tidelands and subsurface lakebeds, the notion that the<br />
public had superior rights to non-navigable waters, wildlife and other<br />
natural resources that were held in trust by the state, as suggested by<br />
Professor Sax and others in the late 20th century, represented a profound<br />
expansion.<br />
7<br />
The most celebrated incorporation of the public trust doctrine came in<br />
1983 when the California Supreme Court in<br />
National Audubon Society v.<br />
1<br />
Sax,<br />
The Public Trust Doctrine in Natural Resources Law: Effective Judicial Intervention<br />
,<br />
68 M<br />
<br />
. L. R<br />
<br />
. 471 (1970).<br />
2<br />
Sax (1970, 556).<br />
3<br />
Sax (1970, 557).<br />
4<br />
Sax (1970, 558–9).<br />
5<br />
Sax (1970, 563).<br />
6<br />
Examples of the enthusiastic application of the doctrine include David Slade, Putting the<br />
Public Trust Doctrine to Work: The Application of the Public Trust Doctrine to the Management<br />
of Lands, Waters and Living Resources of the Coastal States (1990); Meyers, ‘Variation on a<br />
Theme: Expanding the Public Trust Doctrine to Include Protection of Wildlife’<br />
Issues in Legal<br />
Scholarship<br />
, Joseph Sax and the Public Trust (2003): Article 7. http://www.bepress.com/ils/iss4/<br />
art7; Robert Fischman,<br />
The National Wildlife Refuge System and the Hallmarks of Modern<br />
Organic Legislation<br />
, 29 Ecology L. Q. 457, 581–82 (2002); Kristen Carpenter,<br />
A Property Rights<br />
Approach to Sacred Sites Cases: Asserting a Place for Indians as Nonowners<br />
, 52 UCLA L. Rev.<br />
1061, 1120 (2005); Michael Blumm,<br />
Public Property and the Democratization of Western Water<br />
Law: A Modern View of the Public Trust Doctrine<br />
, 19 Envtl. Law 573 (1989); Charles Wilkinson,<br />
The Headwaters of the Public Trust: Some Thoughts on the Source and Scope of the Traditional<br />
Doctrine<br />
, 19 Envtl. Law 425 (1989).<br />
7<br />
See James L. Huffman,<br />
A History of the Public Trust Doctrine: A Tilting at Modern<br />
Myths<br />
, Lewis and Clark School of Law, 2006 for summaries of modern public trust arguments<br />
and criticisms of their legal precedents.<br />
Property rights and the public trust doctrine 3<br />
Journal compilation © 2009 Australian Agricultural and Resource Economics Society Inc. and Blackwell Publishing Asia Pty Ltd<br />
No claim to original US government works<br />
Superior Court<br />
685 P.2d 709 stated that the ‘core of the public trust doctrine<br />
is the state’s authority as sovereign to exercise a continuous supervision and<br />
control over’ the waters of the state to protect ecological and recreational<br />
values.<br />
8<br />
This ruling had the potential to greatly enlarge the coverage of the<br />
doctrine and the role of the police power of the state in regulating allocation<br />
and use of water and potentially, other natural resources. As a result of the<br />
ruling, the public trust doctrine was seen as a new mechanism that could be<br />
applied by the judicial system to force water users and the state (legislature<br />
and administrative agencies) to directly consider the values of alternative,<br />
often neglected water demands in allocating access and use.<br />
Because of its recent prominence, the public trust doctrine has received<br />
considerable attention from legal scholars, both advocates and critics.<br />
9<br />
Economists, however, have largely been absent in this debate, despite the<br />
doctrine’s implications for property rights, provision of public goods,<br />
regulation, investment, and the allocation and use of water and other natural<br />
resources.<br />
In this paper we analyse one aspect of the public trust doctrine – its costs<br />
in addressing disputes over competing resource (water) values. Judicially<br />
mandated reallocation of water and other public trust resources is one<br />
method of reassigning use. Other methods are market exchanges, where<br />
property rights are clearly recognised, and the use of eminent domain, where<br />
their condemnation requires compensation. Even though we recognise that<br />
market exchange of property rights may not always be possible, we argue that<br />
of these three methods, judicial use of the public trust doctrine for achieving<br />
public environmental benefits and resource conservation is likely to be the<br />
most costly and contentious. Accordingly, alternatives should be given<br />
careful consideration.<br />
Our primary contribution is that we present a model to show why litigation<br />
under the public trust doctrine is more apt to go to trial than to be settled<br />
privately. The data are not available to directly test the hypotheses regarding<br />
settlement vs. trial. But the model shows how emphasising the public nature<br />
of certain natural resources increases the costs of resolving debates over<br />
resource use and allocation.<br />
As the model demonstrates, use of the public trust doctrine tends to be a<br />
less effective mechanism for the efficient redistribution of property rights for<br />
several reasons. Broad entry is invited for multiple constituents to sequentially<br />
assert trust claims against defendants and for administrative agencies to<br />
8<br />
National Audubon Society v. Superior Court<br />
, 685 P.2d. 712. See also Blumm and Schwartz<br />
(1995) and Sax (1990, 270) for discussion of subsequent cases in California that expanded the<br />
public trust doctrine. See also Gray (1994, 262–69). For public trust application to wildlife, see<br />
Meyers (1989).<br />
9<br />
For instance, see Epstein,<br />
The Public Trust Doctrine<br />
, 7 C<br />
<br />
J<br />
<br />
411 (1987). Blumm<br />
and Schwartz (1995), Fischman (2002), Kearney and Merrill<br />
,<br />
The Origins of the American<br />
Public Trust Doctrine: What Really Happened in Illinois Central<br />
, 71 U. C<br />
<br />
L. R<br />
<br />
. 799<br />
(2004) Carpenter (2005) and Huffman (2006).<br />
4 J. Brewer and G.D. Libecap<br />
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No claim to original US government works<br />
extend regulatory mandates. Accordingly, settlement agreements between<br />
defendants and plaintiffs are difficult to reach because once they are concluded,<br />
new plaintiffs can appear. Plaintiffs (some with below-market wages)<br />
invest in efforts to redirect the resource toward uses they value. At the same<br />
time, the property rights of incumbent owners as defendants are subordinated<br />
and subject to reallocation without compensation. Accordingly, rights<br />
holders strongly resist such efforts. The results are lengthy conflicts that raise<br />
costs and delay resolution of important allocation questions. Furthermore,<br />
by weakening existing property rights, public trust rulings may reduce private<br />
incentives to invest in the conservation and wise use of the resource. Public<br />
investment may or may not offset lost private actions.<br />
We illustrate these points by briefly discussing the conflict over Los<br />
Angeles’ water rights to the Mono Basin, the empirical case underlying the<br />
Audubon<br />
ruling. The dispute took nearly 20 years to resolve with multiple<br />
court cases and involvement by various constituent groups and government<br />
units. In the end, Los Angeles lost its ability to divert Mono Basin water,<br />
which provided about 15 per cent of the city’s total water supply, without<br />
compensation.<br />
10<br />
Our intention in discussing the<br />
Audubon<br />
case is not to assess<br />
the resulting redistribution of property rights. Rather, our effort is to explore<br />
the incentives that are inherent in the public trust doctrine that hinder timely<br />
and economical dispute resolution.<br />
We conclude with brief discussion of other public trust cases, noting that<br />
the doctrine has been applied less than advocates had anticipated after<br />
Audubon<br />
. The costs associated with the doctrine appear to have limited its<br />
application. We consider the other mechanisms for the reallocation and<br />
management of key natural resources.<br />
2. An overview of the public trust doctrine<br />
The public trust doctrine asserts that the ‘public’ has the legal right to utilise<br />
certain resources, such as tidewaters or navigable rivers without restriction by<br />
private owners.<br />
11<br />
These resources are so inherently common in their nature<br />
that their permanent assignment to exclusive, private ownership is inappropriate.<br />
12<br />
To insure group values are respected, the rights of the public are vested in the<br />
state as trustee of the resource. As such, the state through its administrative<br />
agencies has a duty to administer, protect, manage and conserve the resource.<br />
Any existing private users have only usufruct rights that can be withdrawn<br />
whenever the state deems that they are inconsistent with the public<br />
10<br />
Gary D. Libecap,<br />
Owens Valley Revisited: A Reassessment of the West’s First Great Water<br />
Transfer<br />
, Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2007, 138.<br />
11<br />
David H. Getches,<br />
Water Law in a Nut Shell<br />
, St. Paul, West Publishing Co. 217, 224–8,<br />
1997. See also, James L. Huffman,<br />
A History of the Public Trust Doctrine: Tilting at Modern<br />
Myths<br />
, Lewis and Clark College, School of Law, 2006.<br />
12<br />
Common means common property as described by Ostrom (1990).<br />
Property rights and the public trust doctrine 5<br />
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No claim to original US government works<br />
trust.<br />
13<br />
Because there are no private property rights, there is no basis for<br />
takings challenges in such reallocations. Furthermore, the legislature cannot<br />
alienate trust resources, which must remain with the state.<br />
14<br />
The public trust doctrine therefore provides for a powerful regulatory and<br />
supervisory role for the state with regard to the resources that are covered.<br />
Therefore, extension beyond navigable waterways to include other natural<br />
and environmental resources as envisioned by Professor Sax represents a<br />
potentially far-reaching extension of the police powers of the state.<br />
15<br />
Within this context, the<br />
Audubon<br />
ruling in 1983 set several precedents<br />
regarding the public trust as noted in Blumm and Schwartz (2003).<br />
16<br />
First, it<br />
enlarged the geographical scope of the trust by ruling that the doctrine<br />
applied to water diversions of tributaries adjacent to navigable waterways as<br />
opposed to just the navigable waterways themselves. Second, the court ruled<br />
public trust values are transient and that as values changed, the state was<br />
obligated to reallocate the public trust resource to be consistent with those<br />
changes. Third, use rights to trust resources, such as water, were non-vested,<br />
subject to reallocation without compensation if they were applied in a manner<br />
inconsistent with trust values. Fourth, the court identified a major administrative<br />
obligation for the judiciary and state agencies in overseeing water and<br />
other trust resources. Finally, the court affirmed a previous decision that<br />
granted open standing to parties in public trust cases. In<br />
Marks v. Whitney<br />
the court ‘expressly held that any member of the general public has standing<br />
to raise a claim of harm to the public trust.’<br />
17<br />
Although, the<br />
Audubon<br />
ruling emphasised the relevance of the public trust<br />
doctrine as an environmental and natural resource management tool, the<br />
case has been controversial because of its potential to undermine the existing<br />
property rights structure.<br />
18<br />
Its costs in impeding dispute resolution over<br />
public and private values in natural and environmental resources, however,<br />
have not been addressed directly. To illustrate them, we now turn to a model<br />
of litigation and settlement under the public trust doctrine.<br />
13<br />
Richard A. Simms,<br />
A Sketch of the Aimless Jurisprudence of Western Water Law<br />
, in<br />
Kathleen Marion Carr and James D. Crammond, eds., Water Law: Trends, Policies, and Practice,<br />
Chicago: American Bar Association, 321, 1995.<br />
14<br />
Sax (1990, 264, 269), Michael C. Blumm and Thea Schwartz,<br />
Mono Lake and the Evolving<br />
Public Trust in Western Water<br />
, 37 Arizona Law Review, 709–11, 1905.<br />
15<br />
Huffman (2006, 73). He disputes the asserted linkage between this view of the public trust<br />
doctrine and Roman law or English common law. See also, Kearney and Merrill<br />
,<br />
The Origins<br />
of the American Public Trust Doctrine: What Really Happened in Illinois Central,<br />
71 U. C<br />
<br />
L. R<br />
<br />
. 799 (2004) for arguments that proponents have misread the American legal history.<br />
16<br />
Blumm, Michael and Thea Schwartz. ‘Mono Lake and the Evolving Public Trust in<br />
Western Water.’<br />
Issues in Legal Scholarship. Joseph Sax and the Public Trust<br />
. Article 3. 2003.<br />
17<br />
Marks v. Whitney<br />
, supra, 6 Cal. 3d 251, pp. 261–62.<br />
18<br />
See Huffman,<br />
A Fish out of Water: The Public Trust Doctrine in a Constitutional Democracy<br />
,<br />
19 E<br />
<br />
. L<br />
<br />
527 (1989).<br />
6 J. Brewer and G.D. Libecap<br />
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3. A model of litigation and settlement under the public trust doctrine<br />
In this section we develop a more formal model of the incentives to settle or<br />
go to trial in public trust litigation.<br />
19<br />
The model shows that use of the public<br />
trust doctrine heightens the incentives of the respective parties to push for<br />
trial rather than settling, all else equal.<br />
3.1 Trial<br />
As discussed in the preceding section, the publicness of certain resources as<br />
proclaimed under the public trust doctrine provides for broad legal standing<br />
for multiple constituencies. That is, any member or agency of the public<br />
potentially can enter as plaintiff in challenging current natural and environmental<br />
resource use. Let the number of potential plaintiffs be indexed by<br />
i<br />
where<br />
i<br />
= 1, . . . ,<br />
n<br />
and let<br />
T<br />
pi<br />
be the subjective expected benefit to plaintiff<br />
i<br />
of bringing suit against a defendant. This benefit will be a function of two<br />
factors: First, it will be increasing as the probability of winning the lawsuit<br />
rises, where<br />
p<br />
denotes the plaintiff’s probability of success. Second, it will be<br />
increasing as the expected size of the damages rises, where<br />
D<br />
represents the<br />
expected size of the damages. Therefore,<br />
T<br />
pi<br />
=<br />
p<br />
i<br />
D<br />
i<br />
.<br />
Among potential plaintiffs, the one with the maximum subjective expected<br />
benefit of bringing suit will challenge the defendant, where the relevant plaintiff’s<br />
subjective expected benefit is<br />
T<br />
p<br />
= max<br />
i<br />
Tpi, where i = 1, . . . , n. There<br />
are three determinants of Tp: First, Tp increases in the number of potential<br />
litigants, n. Second, Tp increases in effort invested by the plaintiff, where ep is<br />
the effort expended by the plaintiff. Hiring more qualified lawyers, soliciting<br />
expert witnesses, or engaging in more concentrated research, makes it more<br />
likely that the judge will side with the plaintiff and increase the expected size<br />
of the damages awarded. Third, Tp declines with the effort expended by the<br />
defendant, where ed denotes the effort expended by the defendant. Accordingly,<br />
it follows that:<br />
Tp(ep, ed, n) = maxipi(epi, ed)Di(epi, ed), (1)<br />
where i = 1, . . . , n.<br />
Similarly, the subjective expected loss of going to trial for the defendant<br />
is Td.<br />
19 The model developed below is similar to that developed in Robert D. Cooter and Daniel<br />
L. Rubinfeld, ‘Economic Analysis of Legal Disputes and Their Resolution,’ Journal of Economic<br />
Literature, 27 (3): 1067–97, 1989. One of our primary departures from their model is that we<br />
allow for open standing of plaintiffs.<br />
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Td (ep, ed) = p(ep, ed)D(ep, ed).20 (2)<br />
The plaintiff can use two types of effort: wp, standard labourers who work<br />
for market wages and z, non-standard labourers who work for below market<br />
wages. The latter are those who derive utility from participating in the case.21<br />
In many environmental disputes, the defendant, with less emotional or popular<br />
appeal, in general can use only wp.22 As a result, ep(wp, z) and ed(wd) and<br />
the plaintiff’s and defendant’s labour costs are ctp(wp, z) and ctd(wd).<br />
The value to the plaintiff of trial, Vtp, is the benefit less the costs incurred or<br />
Vtp = Tp(ep(wp, z), ed(wd), n) − ctp(wp, z). (3)<br />
The defendant’s total expected loss, Ltd, of going to trial will be the sum of<br />
the subjective expected loss and the costs of trial or23<br />
Ltd = Td (ep(wp, z), ed (wd)) + ctd (wd). (4)<br />
The net value of trial, Vt, is the difference between the plaintiff’s expected<br />
value and the defendant’s total expected loss or<br />
Vt = Vtp − Ltd<br />
= Tp − ctp − Td − ctd (5)<br />
= Tp − Td − (ctp + ctd).<br />
3.2 Settlement<br />
Let Sp and Sd denote the plaintiff’s subjective expected benefit and the defendant’s<br />
subjective expected loss from settlement.24 Let csp and csd be the costs incurred<br />
by the plaintiff and defendant, respectively, of reaching a private solution.<br />
20 With symmetric information about trial outcomes, the expected benefit to the plaintiff of<br />
going to trial would equal the expected loss to the defendant of going to trail. It is more<br />
flexible and realistic to relax the assumption of symmetric information and allow the expected<br />
benefits and losses to be subjective. Consequently, in general, Tp will not equal Td.<br />
21 These individuals are often referred to as devoted, passionate, or dedicated, and environmental<br />
cases particularly may involve such participants.<br />
22 We have limited the model here to only allow the plaintiff to use below-market wage<br />
labourers. We impose the asymmetry for illustrative purposes as the asymmetry more accurately<br />
reflects the resources available for plaintiffs and defendants to employ in environmental<br />
disputes. The implications we derive later are not driven by the asymmetry. On the contrary, if<br />
the defendant can also employ non-standard workers, as presumably could happen, it reduces<br />
the defendant’s costs of trial and makes trial even more like to occur in place of settlement.<br />
23 It is the sum because Ltd is the defendant’s total expected loss of trial.<br />
24 Ex ante, uncertainty exists as to what the final settled amount will be. Thus in general, it<br />
is reasonable to assume that Sp and Sd are not equal. With settlement, Sp and Sd are not a<br />
function of effort as in litigation because neither party is attempting to persuade an outside entity<br />
to empathize with their respective causes. In settlement, the expectation is taken with respect to<br />
uncertainty over facts about the dispute and the subsequent bargaining outcome. In litigation, the<br />
expectation is taken with respect to uncertainty over the facts and the third-party’s decision process.<br />
8 J. Brewer and G.D. Libecap<br />
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In the special case of the public trust doctrine, there are multiple potential<br />
litigants, so that any settlement reached by the defendant with one plaintiff<br />
may be thwarted by the entry of another plaintiff. Therefore, we can write<br />
csd (n), where csd is increasing in n.<br />
The net expected value of settlement to the plaintiff, Vsp, will be the subjective<br />
expected benefit of settlement minus settlement costs, or<br />
Vsp = Sp − csp. (6)<br />
The net expected loss of settlement to the defendant, Lsd, will be the subjective<br />
expected loss of settlement plus settlement costs, or<br />
Lsd = Sd + csd(n). (7)<br />
The net value of settlement, Vs, the difference between the net expected<br />
value of settlement to the plaintiff and the net expected loss of settlement to<br />
the defendant is<br />
Vs = Vsp − Lsd<br />
= Sp − csp − Sd − csd (8)<br />
= Sp − Sd − (csp + csd).25<br />
3.3 Trial and settlement together<br />
Because trial is more costly than settlement, in natural and environmental<br />
resource disputes we are concerned when trial will be observed. This will<br />
occur whenever the net value of trial, Vt, is greater than the net value of<br />
settlement, Vs, or comparing Equations (5) and (8), when<br />
Tp − Td − (ctp + ctd) &gt; Sp − Sd − (csp + csd)<br />
Tp − Td − (Sp − Sd) &gt; ctp + ctd − (csp + csd).26 (9)<br />
3.4 Implications<br />
Several implications emerge from this discussion regarding the settlement of<br />
disputes under the public trust doctrine. First, because the doctrine requires<br />
25 If we assume that there is perfect information in settlement – perhaps an assumption that<br />
both parties know the degree of damage caused – then Sp will equal Sd. In this instance<br />
Equation (8) simplifies and Vs = −(csp + csd(n)).<br />
26 If we assume perfect information in settlement, then Sp will equal Sd and Equation (9)<br />
will become Tp − Td &gt; ctp + ctd − (csp + csd). Furthermore, if we assume perfect information in<br />
both trial and settlement, then Equation (9) simplifies to csp + csd &gt; ctp + ctd. This implies that<br />
trial will occur if the total costs to trial are less than the total costs to settlement. In many<br />
general models of litigation, it is assumed the costs of trial are greater than the cost of settlement.<br />
Therefore, if perfect information exists, parties will always opt for settling the dispute instead<br />
of going to trial.<br />
Property rights and the public trust doctrine 9<br />
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No claim to original US government works<br />
no compensation to the defendant, the plaintiff will benefit more from going<br />
to trial. A higher Tp raises Vtp and Vt. In contrast, private negotiated settlements<br />
are not affected. Equation (9) shows that increasing Tp while holding Sp<br />
constant, raises the relative value of trial to the plaintiff, the net value of<br />
trial, and ultimately the likelihood of trial.<br />
Second, trial is more likely to occur than settlement because the public<br />
trust doctrine allows open standing for numerous plaintiffs. Equation (5)<br />
shows that<br />
Vt = Tp − Td − (ctp + ctd)<br />
Vt = Tp(ep(wp, z), ed(wd), n) − Td(ep(wp, z), ed(wd)) − (ctp(wp, z) + ctd (wd)).<br />
As the number of potential litigants, n, increases, so does the relevant plaintiff’s<br />
subjected expected benefit of trial, Tp, and hence the value of trial, Vt.27<br />
Furthermore, from Equations (7) and (8),<br />
Vs = Sp − Sd − (csp + csd(n)).<br />
Increasing n raises the costs of settlement for the defendant, implying that<br />
the value of settlement, Vs, is decreasing in the number of potential litigants.<br />
Third, trial is more likely when the plaintiff can invest in low-cost labour,<br />
as is often the case in resource and environmental disputes. Returning to<br />
Equations (5) and (9), recall that Equation (9) shows that when Vt increases<br />
relative to Vs, trial is more likely, and recall from Equation (5) that<br />
Vt = Tp − Td − (ctp + ctd)<br />
Vt = Tp(ep(wp, z), ed(wd), n) − Td (ep(wp, z), ed (wd)) − (ctp(wp, z) + ctd (wd)).<br />
Differentiating Vt with respect to both z and wp will show their relative<br />
impacts on Vt.<br />
The<br />
(10)<br />
The<br />
(11)<br />
The key comparison is to see how Equation (10) relates to Equation (11).<br />
If the marginal product of labour is the same for non-standard and standard<br />
27 Recall that Tp(ep, ed, n) = maxi pi(epi, ed)Di(epi, ed), where i = 1, . . . , n. If we array litigants<br />
from lowest expected benefit to highest expected benefit, adding additional potential litigants<br />
to the current pool of litigants will increase the right-hand-side of the equation above. This<br />
implies as n increases, so does the subjective expected benefit of the relevant plaintiff.<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
V<br />
z<br />
T<br />
e<br />
e<br />
z<br />
T<br />
e<br />
e<br />
z<br />
c<br />
z<br />
t p<br />
p<br />
p d<br />
p<br />
p tp . = − −<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
V<br />
w<br />
T<br />
e<br />
e<br />
w<br />
T<br />
e<br />
e<br />
w<br />
c<br />
w<br />
t<br />
p<br />
p<br />
p<br />
p<br />
p<br />
d<br />
p<br />
p<br />
p<br />
tp<br />
p<br />
. = − −<br />
10 J. Brewer and G.D. Libecap<br />
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labour, the first two terms on the right hand side of Equation (10) will be<br />
equal to the first two terms on the right hand side of Equation (11), respectively.<br />
Second, ( ∂ctp/ ∂z)  ( ∂Vt/ ∂wp)<br />
or that the value of trial rises when non-standard workers are used for labour<br />
rather than standard labour.<br />
Fourth, when more below market labour is available and when there are<br />
more potential litigants, trial outcomes will be skewed more heavily in favour<br />
of the plaintiff, increasing the likelihood of trial. Recall Equation (1), which<br />
states that<br />
Tp(ep, ed, n) = maxi pi(epi, ed)Di(epi, ed).<br />
Expanding this equation yields,<br />
Tp(ep(wp, z), ed (wd), n) = maxi pi(epi(wpi, zi), ed (wd))Di(epi (wpi, zi), ed (wd)). (12)<br />
Equation (1) shows that the subjective expected benefit to the relevant<br />
plaintiff of trial is the product of the probability the judge will side with the<br />
plaintiff and the expected size of the damages awarded. Taking the derivative<br />
of the left hand side of Equation (12) with respect to z yields,<br />
(13)<br />
The first partial derivative on the right hand side of Equation (13) is strictly<br />
positive, as increased effort induces a greater expected benefit, and the second<br />
derivative is strictly positive when the marginal product of labour is positive.<br />
This indicates that the subjective expected benefit of trial to the plaintiff is<br />
strictly increasing in the number of low-wage workers. Furthermore, by<br />
examining the right hand side of Equation (12) the plaintiff is able to increase<br />
both the probability of winning and the expected size of the award with more<br />
low-cost effort, which is not available to the defendant. Furthermore, as indicated<br />
in Equation (12) when the number of potential litigants, n, increases, both the<br />
probability of winning the case and the expected damages rise for the plaintiff.<br />
As outlined by the model, the public trust doctrine raises the costs of private<br />
settlement relative to trial in natural and environmental resource disputes<br />
making trial more likely. The goal of any reallocation mechanism should be<br />
to redistribute resources to their highest valued uses as efficiently as possible.<br />
In general, trial is lengthier than settlement and tends to be more costly. As<br />
the legal system works through its process, the controversial trust resource<br />
remains in its current use, potentially remaining suboptimally allocated.<br />
We cannot directly test the model’s implications because of a lack of data<br />
on settlement vs. trial, but we can illustrate how the costs of dispute resolution<br />
are affected by examining the conflict over water for Mono Lake.<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
∂<br />
T<br />
z<br />
T<br />
e<br />
e<br />
z<br />
p p<br />
p<br />
p . =<br />
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4. Property rights to water and the public trust ruling in Audubon<br />
4.1 History<br />
Between 1930 and 1940, the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power<br />
(LADWP) acquired riparian water rights to the four tributaries that feed<br />
Mono Lake, an alkaline and hypersaline lake situated in the eastern side of<br />
the Sierra–Nevada mountains, roughly 300 miles north-east of the city.28 The<br />
agency applied to the State Water Resources Control Board (SWRCB) in<br />
1940 for permits to appropriate the water, and in 1941 finished constructing<br />
an aqueduct and began diverting the water for urban use. In 1963, to further<br />
augment urban supplies, construction began on a second aqueduct, which<br />
was completed in 1970.29 While between 1940 and 1970 an average of 57 067<br />
acre-feet was exported to Los Angeles, with new aqueduct capacity exports<br />
increased to 100 000 acre-feet or more through 1975.30 At the time, water for<br />
urban consumption was viewed as the highest and best use of the water.31 Indeed,<br />
the Mono Basin alone accounted for about 15 per cent of the city’s water.32<br />
Over time, however, these water exports had substantial adverse effects on<br />
Mono Lake and its surrounding environment. The tributaries dried up below<br />
the diversion points and the level of Mono Lake began to decline about 1.6<br />
feet a year.33 Between 1941 and 1981 the lake’s level fell about 46 feet, with<br />
one-third of that decline occurring after 1970. The surface area of Mono<br />
Lake receded from 90 to 60 square miles, and its salinity increased from 50 to<br />
90 g/L.34<br />
4.2 Public trust ruling<br />
As Mono Lake levels declined, the National Audubon Society, Friends of the<br />
Earth, the Sierra Club, and a new coalition of environmental activists, the<br />
Mono Lake Committee that had formed in 1978, brought suit under the public<br />
trust doctrine in May of 1979 to curtail Los Angeles’ export of water. Referring<br />
to Marks v. Whitney 6 Cal. 3d 251 (1971) which held that the public trust<br />
doctrine applied not only to navigable waterways but to streams used for<br />
recreation, wildlife habitat and ecological study, the plaintiffs charged that<br />
Mono Lake was being harmed and that the diversion was not a reasonable<br />
28 For discussion, see Libecap (2007, 132–7).<br />
29 http://wsoweb.ladwp.com/Aqueduct/historyoflaa/aqueductfacts.htm<br />
30 National Audubon v. Superior Court 33 Cal. 3d 429. See also Libecap (2007, 138).<br />
31 ‘The use of water for domestic purposes is the highest use of water.’ Stats. 1921, ch. 329, §1,<br />
p. 443 now codified as Water Code § 1255.<br />
32 Jones and Stokes (1993, S-1); Dunning (1990, 20); Hart (1996, 56–8). Currently, due to<br />
various environmental requirements, including those cited in the Mono Lake ruling, the Aqueduct<br />
supplies only around 34 per cent. Page 3-3 2005 Urban Water Management Plan, City of<br />
Los Angeles, DWP, http://www.ladwp.com/ladwp/cms/ladwp007157.pdf. For discussion of<br />
Owens Valley, see Libecap (2005).<br />
33 Kahrl (1982, 429–30).<br />
34 Botkin et al. (1988, ix).<br />
12 J. Brewer and G.D. Libecap<br />
Journal compilation © 2009 Australian Agricultural and Resource Economics Society Inc. and Blackwell Publishing Asia Pty Ltd<br />
No claim to original US government works<br />
and beneficial use as required by the state’s appropriative water rights system. This<br />
public trust argument posed a clear challenge to Los Angeles’ water rights.35<br />
On 17 February 1983 in National Audubon Society v. Superior Court 33 Cal<br />
3d 419 the California Supreme Court held that exercise of appropriative<br />
water rights is subject to limitation by the state in order to protect public trust<br />
values, including those of wildlife habitat: ‘Thus, the public trust is more than<br />
an affirmation of state power to use public property for public purposes. It is<br />
an affirmation of the duty of the state to protect the people’s common heritage<br />
of streams, lakes, marshlands and tidelands . . .’ (33 Cal 3d 441).<br />
According to the court, public trust regulatory responsibilities applied ex<br />
post to existing water rights, and these rights were use rights only that could<br />
be reconsidered in light of changing perceptions of the trust. The court<br />
charged the SWRCB with monitoring water use and re-allocating it in a<br />
manner consistent with the public trust: ‘Thus, the function of the Water<br />
Board has steadily evolved from the narrow role of deciding priorities<br />
between competing appropriators to the charge of comprehensive planning<br />
and allocation of waters.’ (33 Cal 3d 444).<br />
Because the ruling not only signalled the mostly uncompensated loss of<br />
valuable water rights, but also the value of Los Angeles’ past fixed investments<br />
in the aqueducts, dams, reservoirs and hydroelectric facilities, the LADWP<br />
filed a petition for certiorari with the U.S. Supreme Court on the basis that<br />
the California court misinterpreted the public trust doctrine and that the<br />
decision deprived Los Angeles of vested property rights without due process<br />
of law (a takings).36 The Department of Interior’s Regional Solicitor for<br />
California supported the appeal, but it was denied,37 7 November 1983.38<br />
35 Duane Georgeson, Chief Engineer of the Los Angeles Aqueduct, said ‘If you can overturn<br />
that kind of right (granted by the state) in order to protect environmental values, this<br />
could be used in varying forms against all water rights in California.’ Steve Hinderer, DWP<br />
director of public affairs, said ‘We see the Mono Lake suit as a threat not only to 20 per cent<br />
of Los Angeles’ water supply but also to all water rights in California.’ Los Angeles Times,<br />
May 22, 1979, ‘DWP Sued on Mono Lake Water Issue,’ Joan Sweeney, pg. SD_A10.<br />
36 LADWP was supported in appealing to the U.S. Supreme Court by the Metropolitan<br />
Water District of California, the Association of California Water Agencies, and the states of<br />
Idaho and Wyoming, all of which filed friends-of-the-court briefs. These entities were similarly<br />
worried that the California Supreme Court ruling could have a potentially serious effect on<br />
water law in California or even throughout the West. Los Angeles Times, November 8, 1983,<br />
‘Supreme Court Declines Mono Lake Hearing,’ Jim Mann, pg. 1.<br />
37 The U.S. Supreme Court denied LADWP’s request for a hearing because it felt the case<br />
presented no constitutional concerns; rather the case was based solely on issues of California<br />
water law. It decided federal judges should generally ‘defer to the courts of California on questions<br />
of water law that affect only California water users.’ Despite refusing to hear the case,<br />
U.S. Department of Justice officials criticized the California Supreme Court ruling calling it ‘a<br />
significant and unwelcome development in the contours of California water law.’ The federal<br />
court also said it ‘shares [Los Angeles’] concern that the California court’s decision creates the<br />
potential for disruption of what were justifiably thought to settled water rights.’ Los Angeles<br />
Times, November 8, 1983, ‘Supreme Court Declines Mono Lake Hearing,’ Jim Mann, pg. 1.<br />
38 Conway (1984, footnote 108). City of Los Angeles Department of Water and Power v.<br />
National Audubon Society et al. No. 83–300, 464 U.S. 977, November 7, 1983.<br />
Property rights and the public trust doctrine 13<br />
Journal compilation © 2009 Australian Agricultural and Resource Economics Society Inc. and Blackwell Publishing Asia Pty Ltd<br />
No claim to original US government works<br />
The public trust ruling in 1983, however, did not resolve the conflict over<br />
Mono water. Various parties claimed standing in the debate, including<br />
environmental and sports groups, as well as state and federal agencies. It<br />
took over a decade of a complex series of subsequent court rulings, appeals<br />
and case consolidations before the SWRCB published a final Environmental<br />
Impact Report in September 1994, which called for a target lake level of<br />
6392.6 feet.39 To achieve this level, there could be no water diversions by the<br />
LADWP from the Mono Basin until the lake reached 6377 feet. After that<br />
various benchmarks were set allowing for small diversions. Once the lake<br />
level reached the objective, Los Angeles would be allowed to export only<br />
about one-third the amount it had diverted in the early 1970s.40<br />
In the end, it took nearly 20 years from the initial effort to reduce<br />
diversions from the Mono Basin until the SWRCB handed down its final<br />
decision. All the while, Mono Lake’s environment continued to worsen,<br />
streams remained dry, and riparian and aquatic habitats remained<br />
unrestored.<br />
4.3 The Mono Lake case’s relationship to the model<br />
A natural question to ask is why the Mono Lake case took so long to<br />
resolve? As the model indicates, a major reason settlement was not reached<br />
was the expansive nature of the dispute. Open standing for plaintiffs, as<br />
provided in the Audubon decision, essentially made the Mono Basin water a<br />
common pool. Accordingly, the conflict exhibited many of the difficulties<br />
characterised by common-pool resources with multiple entrants. Each new<br />
plaintiff brought new demands on the defendant.<br />
Table 1 describes some of the organisations involved and their, respectively,<br />
desired lake levels. Progressively higher levels required greater limits on Los<br />
Angeles’ diversions.<br />
As can occur with common pool resources and as the model implies, each<br />
of the claimants had an incentive to overstate its true demands in order to<br />
receive a more favourable allocation. Table 1 shows that in general there was<br />
a progressive rise in water level demands. Each successive recommendation<br />
created momentum for both new and existing parties to augment their<br />
claims.<br />
Indeed, there was a gradual increase in demands to limit Los Angeles’<br />
rights. In March 1983, just after the initial public trust ruling, Sanford<br />
Wohlgemuth, Conservation Chairman of the Los Angeles Audubon Society<br />
wrote to the Los Angeles Times,<br />
39 For a more comprehensive summary of the various legal conflicts and events that<br />
occurred after the Audubon decision see John Hart, Storm Over Mono: The Mono Lake Battle<br />
and the California Water Future, University of California Press, 1996.<br />
40 Pages 3–5 to 3–7, 2005 Urban Water Management Plan, City of Los Angeles, DWP,</p>
<p>http://www.ladwp.com/ladwp/cms/ladwp007157.pdf.</p>
<p>14 J. Brewer and G.D. Libecap<br />
Journal compilation © 2009 Australian Agricultural and Resource Economics Society Inc. and Blackwell Publishing Asia Pty Ltd<br />
No claim to original US government works<br />
‘The DWP [LADWP] is saying that, in order to fill Mono Lake to 10<br />
per cent above its present level, all water from the area will have to be<br />
cut off for 15 years. No one is asking for that. We all realise the necessity<br />
of maintaining this water source for the city. We are simply asking for a<br />
fair share of the water to save the lake and eventually restore its former<br />
health. By reducing diversions by, say, 20 per cent, Los Angeles will<br />
have its water and Mono Lake will begin to resume its original size<br />
and beauty.’41<br />
Even as late as November 1984, David Gaines, head of the Mono Lake<br />
Committee stated that ‘We’re not advocating a cutoff of Mono Basin water<br />
to Los Angeles. And we’re not interested in returning Mono Lake to its pristine<br />
state. We just want more water for the lake in wet years, when water for LA<br />
is available elsewhere.’42 But as predicted by our model, these demands would<br />
soon be raised by other parties.43 In the end, the final ruling was skewed<br />
against Los Angeles.44<br />
An additional reason why the case took so long to resolve was the nonvested<br />
nature of property rights under the public trust doctrine. In 1993, the<br />
41 Los Angeles Times, March 8, 1983, ‘Letters to The Times: Court’s Decision on Mono<br />
Lake,’ pg. C4.<br />
42 Los Angeles Times, November 30, 1984, ‘Fate of Rush Creek Trout is at Stake in Court<br />
Fight,’ Earl Gustkey, pg. E1.<br />
43 This is especially true of the application of the public trust doctrine to the tributary trout<br />
streams in Cal Trout I and Cal Trout II. In these cases, new plaintiffs, California fishing groups<br />
joined the Mono Lake Committee in seeking additional constraints on Los Angeles. See Los<br />
Angeles Times, August 15, 1986, ‘Mono Lake Group Wins Round, Slows Diversion of Creek,’<br />
Ronald B. Taylor, pg. 3.<br />
44 John Hart described the ultimate decision by the SWRCB as ‘more favourable to the lake<br />
than any of the [environmentalists] could have dreamed.’ John Hart, Storm Over Mono: The<br />
Mono Lake Battle and the California Water Future, University of California Press, 1996, p. 3.<br />
Table 1 Advocates and desired lake levels<br />
Year Organisation<br />
Preferred lake level<br />
(feet above sea level)<br />
1978 Mono Lake Committee 6378<br />
1979 Inter-Agency Task Force 6388<br />
1979 Mono Lake Committee 6388<br />
1988 Community and Organisation Institute 6382<br />
1988 U.S. Forest Service 6377–6390<br />
1993 U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service 6390<br />
1993 State Lands Commission 6390<br />
1993 Department of Parks and Recreation 6390<br />
1993 U.S. Forest Service 6390<br />
1993 Great Basin Unified Air Pollution Control District 6392<br />
1993 CA Department of Fish and Game 6405<br />
1993 Mono Lake Committee 6390–6405<br />
1994 State Water Resources Control Board Final Decision 6392.6<br />
Property rights and the public trust doctrine 15<br />
Journal compilation © 2009 Australian Agricultural and Resource Economics Society Inc. and Blackwell Publishing Asia Pty Ltd<br />
No claim to original US government works<br />
LADWP predicted that the long-term costs of replacing Mono water could<br />
be $1 billion.45 This figure did not include the costs of stranded, nondeployable<br />
capital in water export and hydro-electric generation.46 Because so<br />
much was at stake in the reallocation of the water without compensation, the<br />
LADWP invested in efforts to advance its respective position in the all-ornothing<br />
battle over rights to water.<br />
5. Concluding remarks<br />
In 1970, Professor Joseph Sax argued that the public trust doctrine could be<br />
used to reallocate resources on behalf of environmental protection and natural<br />
resource conservation. A test case for his arguments arose with the filing of<br />
the National Audubon case. As described above, however, it turned out to be<br />
extremely contentious and costly to resolve. The costs may have limited the<br />
application of the public trust beyond what had been envisioned by its promoters<br />
following the Audubon ruling in 1983.<br />
Indeed, a Lexus/Nexus search of public trust litigation for the period 1985<br />
through 2004 reveals 32 court cases in 12 western states with three-fourths of<br />
them in California, Colorado and Idaho. In general, the rulings have held<br />
that state responsibilities under the public trust doctrine may extend to<br />
maintenance of stream flow and water levels in rivers and natural lakes,<br />
including groundwater systems linked to them in order to guard for health,<br />
amenity values, and fish and wildlife habitat.47 Even so, the range of the<br />
issues addressed by the courts seems to be quite narrow. It does not involve<br />
the broad sweep of possibilities for extending the doctrine to curtail private<br />
appropriative water rights, to manage wildlife or to administer the federal<br />
lands as has been proposed.<br />
An alternative approach for addressing conflicting public and private values as<br />
occurred in the Mono Lake case is a market-related response. In the case at<br />
hand, rather than rejecting Los Angeles’ water rights under public trust<br />
claims, state and federal agencies might have purchased water to restore<br />
Mono Lake’s level to address public concerns. Where narrower private interests<br />
are involved, such as with individual stream fisheries, private fishing<br />
groups could have bought or leased water from Los Angeles. Organisations,<br />
such as the Oregon and Montana Water Trusts, regularly secure water from<br />
farmers in those states to maintain riparian habitats for fish and other species.48<br />
45 Hart (1996, 162).<br />
46 In 1991, LADWP estimated that it had spent approximately $12 million for outside lawyers<br />
and consultants since 1979. John Hart, Storm Over Mono: The Mono Lake Battle and the<br />
California Water Future, University of California Press, 1996, p. 176.<br />
47 Shokal v. Dunn, 109 Idaho 330, 707 P.2d 441, 1985; Mineral County v. State of Nevada,<br />
117 Nev 235, 20 P.3d. 800, 2001; Golden Feather Community Ass’n v. Termalito Irrigation District,<br />
199 Cal. App. 3rd 402, 244 Cal Rptr. 830, 1988.<br />
48 See http://www.owt.org/. Libecap (2005, 19–23) describes some of the transaction costs of<br />
such exchanges, including bilateral monopoly, valuation and third-party effects.<br />
16 J. Brewer and G.D. Libecap<br />
Journal compilation © 2009 Australian Agricultural and Resource Economics Society Inc. and Blackwell Publishing Asia Pty Ltd<br />
No claim to original US government works<br />
Reliance on market transactions would have the advantages of producing<br />
more information about the relative values of water for current and proposed<br />
uses and of reducing the conflict associated with uncompensated reallocations.<br />
Extreme demands encouraged by open standing under the public trust would<br />
have been tempered by the requirement to purchase. Where no voluntary<br />
agreements on water transfers for public environmental or recreational uses<br />
are forthcoming due to bilateral monopoly conditions, eminent domain with<br />
compensation could be used for government acquisition of water.49<br />
All in all, the public trust doctrine appears not to have been an efficient<br />
vehicle for timely protection of Mono Lake and its tributaries. This is an<br />
important point because rising environmental and recreation demands for<br />
water relative to traditional uses suggest that there will be many similar<br />
reallocation efforts.50 Climate change and the likelihood of greater drought<br />
conditions in the south-west will only exacerbate the problem. The model<br />
and case presented here suggest that a broad array of options should be<br />
considered for the speedy and low cost resolution of these conflicting<br />
demands for the West’s scarcest resource.<br />
References<br />
Blumm Michael (1989). ‘Public Property and the Democratization of Western Water Law: A<br />
Modern View of the Public Trust Doctrine,’ Environmental Law 19, 573–597.<br />
Blumm, Michael C. and Thea Schwartz (1995). ‘Mono Lake and the Evolving Public Trust in<br />
Western Water,’ Arizona Law Review 37, 701–38.<br />
Blumm, Michael C. and Thea Schwartz (reissue, 2003). ‘Mono Lake and the Evolving<br />
Public Trust in Western Water,’ Issues in Legal Scholarship. Joseph Sax and the Public Trust.<br />
Article 3.<br />
Botkin, Daniel B., Wallace S. Broecker, Lorne G Everett, Joseph Shapiro and John A. Wiens<br />
(1988). ‘The Future of Mono Lake,’ Report of the Community and Organization Research<br />
Institute ‘Blue Ribbon Panel’ for the Legislature of the State of California, Riverside,<br />
California,: Water Resources Center, University of California, Report No. 68, February.<br />
Carpenter, Kristen (2005). ‘A Property Rights Approach to Sacred Sites Cases: Asserting a<br />
Place for Indians as Nonowners,’ UCLA Law Review 52, 1061–1148.<br />
City of Los Angeles, Department of Water and Power (2005). 2005 Urban Water Management<br />
Plan, http://www.ladwp.com/ladwp/cms/ladwp007157.pdf.<br />
Cooter, Robert D. and Daniel L. Rubinfeld (1989). ‘Economic Analysis of Legal Disputes and<br />
Their Resolution,’ Journal of Economic Literature 27, 1067–1097.<br />
Dunning, Harrison C. (1990). ‘Dam Fights and Water Policy in California: 1969–1989,’<br />
Journal of the West, XXIX, No. 3, July, 14–27.<br />
49 The uses and problems of eminent domain and just compensation are outlined in Fischel<br />
(1998). Eminent domain has been used to acquire private holdings in National Parks. There is,<br />
of course, potential for conflict in these compulsory exchanges, but since compensation was<br />
provided as to little or no compensation under the observed reallocation, it seems likely that<br />
there would have been less contention.<br />
50 For example, consider the contentious effort to reallocate water from agricultural use to<br />
the rewatering of the San Joaquin River between the Natural Resources Defense Council and<br />
other parties and the Friant Water Users Authority. The conflict began in 1988 and was not<br />
tentatively resolved until the September 2006 San Joaquin River Settlement Agreement.<br />
Property rights and the public trust doctrine 17<br />
Journal compilation © 2009 Australian Agricultural and Resource Economics Society Inc. and Blackwell Publishing Asia Pty Ltd<br />
No claim to original US government works<br />
Epstein, Richard (1987). ‘The Public Trust Doctrine,’ Cato Journal 7, 411–430.<br />
Fischel, William A. (1998). ‘Eminent Domain and Just Compensation,’ in Peter Newman, ed.,<br />
The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics and The Law, London: Macmillan, Vol. II, 34–<br />
43.<br />
Fischman, Robert (2002). The National Wildlife Refuge System and the Hallmarks of Modern<br />
Organic Legislation, Ecology Law Quarterly 29, 457–623.<br />
Getches, David H. (1997). Water Law in a Nut Shell, St. Paul, West Publishing Co.<br />
Gray, Brian E. (1994). ‘The Modern Era in California Water Law,’ Hastings Law Journal 45,<br />
249–308.<br />
Hart, John (1996). Storm Over Mono: The Mono Lake Battle and the California Water Future,<br />
Berkeley: University of California Press.<br />
Huffman, James L. (1989). ‘A Fish out of Water: The Public Trust Doctrine in a Constitutional<br />
Democracy,’ Environmental Law 19, 527–572.<br />
Huffman, James L. (2006). A History of the Public Trust Doctrine: A Tilting at Modern Myths,<br />
Portland, Ore: Lewis and Clark School of Law.<br />
Jones and Stokes Associates (1993). Draft Environmental Impact Report for the Review of the<br />
Mono Basin Water Rights of the City of Los Angeles, Sacramento: California State Water<br />
Resources Control Board, Division of Water Rights.<br />
Kahrl, William L. (1982). Water and Power: The Conflict over Los Angeles’ Water Supply in the<br />
Owens Valley, Berkeley: University of California Press.<br />
Kearney, Joseph D. and Thomas W. Merrill (2004). ‘The Origins of the American Public Trust<br />
Doctrine: What Really Happened in Illinois Central,’ University of Chicago Law Review 71,<br />
799–931.<br />
Libecap, Gary D. (2005). ‘Chinatown: Owens Valley and Western Water Re-allocation – Getting<br />
the Record Straight and What It Means for Water Markets,’ Texas Law Review 83,<br />
2055–89.<br />
Libecap, Gary D. (2007). Owens Valley Revisited: A Reassessment of the West’s First Great<br />
Water Transfer, Palo Alto: Stanford University Press.<br />
Meyers, Gary D. (1989). ‘Variation on a Theme: Expanding the Public Trust Doctrine to<br />
Include Protection of Wildlife,’ Environmental Law 19, 723–735.<br />
Ostrom, Elinor (1990). Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective<br />
Action. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<br />
Sax, Joseph (1970). ‘The Public Trust Doctrine in Natural Resource Law: Effective Judicial<br />
Intervention,’ Michigan Law Review 68, 471–566.<br />
Sax, Joseph (1990). ‘The Constitution, Property Rights, and the Future of Water Law,’<br />
University of Colorado Law Review 61, 257–282.<br />
Simms Richard A. (1995). ‘A Sketch of the Aimless Jurisprudence of Western Water Law,’ in<br />
Kathleen Marion Carr and James D. Crammond, eds., Water Law: Trends, Policies, and<br />
Practice, Chicago: American Bar Association 321–350.<br />
Slade, David (1990). Putting the Public Trust Doctrine to Work: The Application of the Public<br />
Trust Doctrine to the Management of Lands, Waters and Living Resources of the Coastal<br />
States, Hartford: Report to the Connecticut Department of Environmental Protection.<br />
Wilkinson, Charles (1989). ‘The Headwaters of the Public Trust: Some Thoughts on the<br />
Source and Scope of the Traditional Doctrine,’ 19 Environmental Law Journal 19, 425–72.</p>
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		<title>Exploding H20 Wells in Colorado Town Due to Gas Exploration</title>
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		<description><![CDATA[Colorado county copes with methane mystery Buzz up!111 votes Send Email IM Share Delicious Digg Facebook Fark Newsvine Reddit StumbleUpon Technorati Twitter Yahoo! Bookmarks Print AP – In this photograph taken on Monday, Aug. 10, 2009, the sign and fire &#8230; <a href="http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/02/exploding-h20-wells-in-colorado-town-due-to-gas-exploration/">Continue reading <span class="meta-nav">&#8594;</span></a><img alt="" border="0" src="http://stats.wordpress.com/b.gif?host=publiclandwars.wordpress.com&amp;blog=9189990&amp;post=95&amp;subd=publiclandwars&amp;ref=&amp;feed=1" width="1" height="1" />]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Colorado county copes with methane mystery</p>
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<p>By JUDITH KOHLER, Associated Press Writer Judith Kohler, Associated Press Writer – Sun Nov 1, 7:19 pm ET<br />
WALSENBURG, Colo. – Bernice and Jerry Angely like to show visitors the singed T-shirt a friend was wearing when their water well exploded and shot flames 30 feet high.</p>
<p>The friend wasn&#8217;t hurt. But that and an explosion at another home weeks earlier forced Colorado to suspend natural gas drilling around this southern plains town until someone could find out why dangerous levels of methane were getting into the groundwater.</p>
<p>Two years later, Walsenburg and surrounding Huerfano County are still waiting, its residents caught in a collision between two of the West&#8217;s vital resources: Water and natural gas.</p>
<p>&#8220;The water is so saturated with methane and other chemicals it is not to be used for human consumption,&#8221; said Bernice Angely, who&#8217;s had water trucked to her home 10 miles west of town since her well blew up in July 2007.</p>
<p>Petroglyph Energy Inc., a Boise, Idaho-based firm that has worked the rolling plains of the Raton Basin since 1999, suspended drilling until it can stem the methane. Colorado also is rewriting rules that had allowed Petroglyph to discharge water runoff from its drilling into streams and creeks.</p>
<p>But Petroglyph says it&#8217;s not clear the drilling caused the methane leaks or prompted other area water wells to run dry. Eying what it calls an extremely promising natural gas field, it believes a shallow water formation tapped by area homeowners isn&#8217;t connected to a deeper one pumped by the company for its drilling operations.</p>
<p>Petroglyph chief operating officer Paul Powell also believes a growing number of new homes in the area could explain some of the dry water wells.</p>
<p>&#8220;We&#8217;ll do what we need to do,&#8221; Powell said, stressing that his firm is working with the state on a solution.</p>
<p>Petroglyph has a plan to prevent the flow of methane into water wells by creating a hydraulic barrier. The company has proposed pumping water from an underground formation and injecting it into a row of wells where gas drilling occurs. Powell said gas will migrate into a void, and &#8220;if the void is full of water, there isn&#8217;t room for gas to migrate through it.&#8221;</p>
<p>State regulators say the plan is plausible but that Petroglyph needs to prove it works. Democratic U.S. Rep. John Salazar, who farms in the nearby San Luis Valley, has asked the U.S. Geological Survey to weigh in by evaluating the area&#8217;s water quality and formations to determine if the gas drilling is to blame for the problems.</p>
<p>Water coursing through porous rock and streams has allowed farming, ranching and new subdivisions to thrive in the semiarid area about 160 miles south of Denver.</p>
<p>It also helps trap methane gas in the vast coal seams that once made the area a mining hot spot. The coal mines are gone, but the methane that made digging for it dangerous is a valuable resource. Companies like Petroglyph pump huge volumes of water out of the ground to relieve the pressure trapping the natural gas.</p>
<p>Steve Gunderson, director of Colorado&#8217;s water quality control division, said Petroglyph will have to build a water treatment plant before it gets a new permit to discharge water. The old permit allowed Petroglyph to release up to 8 million gallons of water daily.</p>
<p>Fourth-generation dairy farmer Brett Corsentino blames the discharges into the Cucharas River for ruining his corn crops. He uses river water to irrigate his crops just a few miles east of the homeowners having problems with their wells. He says the high levels of sodium in the wastewater has diminished his soil&#8217;s ability to absorb water and stunted the corn&#8217;s growth.</p>
<p>&#8220;They say, `Well, there&#8217;s no proof,&#8217;&#8221; Corsentino said. &#8220;Well, we&#8217;d been getting along for generations just fine until they started pumping 8 million gallons out of this country.&#8221;</p>
<p>Corsentino also says his herd suffered abnormally high birth and death rates and now numbers 400, down from 650. He believes the cows consumed too much sodium from the water and corn grown from it. His corn used to produce 6,000 tons of silage; this year&#8217;s crop yielded 1,500 tons.</p>
<p>However, Corsentino says his herd is healthier and milk production has increased since drilling stopped.</p>
<p>&#8220;There&#8217;s an obvious direct, substantial impact to Brett Corsentino&#8217;s dairy,&#8221; the state&#8217;s Gunderson said of the drilling. </p>
<p>Petroglyph paid for soil tests on Corsentino&#8217;s farm. They showed high levels of sodium but that it also needed more calcium, Powell said. Petroglyph and Corsentino are discussing possible treatments. </p>
<p>&#8220;We still don&#8217;t believe we have liability for the situation,&#8221; Powell said. &#8220;But we were willing to help him fix his land and get back to productivity.&#8221; </p>
<p>Ten miles west of Walsenburg, a rushing sound emanates from a pipe that vents methane from Ben and Melanie Bounds&#8217; water well. The pipe was installed after a June 2007 explosion blew off a shed roof covering the well. </p>
<p>The Bounds had moved from Dallas to build what they call their dream home atop a hill with a breathtaking view of the Spanish Peaks. They say their problems started when Petroglyph began drilling nearby. They&#8217;re suing the company and haul water from town to their cistern. </p>
<p>&#8220;If I could run the clock back, we&#8217;d have never tried this,&#8221; Ben Bounds said. </p>
<p>&#8220;I had more methane coming out of my water well than they had out of any of their gas wells. It sounded like a locomotive going down the road,&#8221; said Kent Smith, who also has a methane detector in his house. &#8220;The damage and the problems they&#8217;ve caused have got to be addressed, and they keep getting pushed aside and forgotten about.&#8221; </p>
<p>Petroglyph insists it&#8217;s a good neighbor. Despite the methane mystery, it&#8217;s trucking water to 14 area homes and has supplied 15 homes with methane alarm systems. </p>
<p>___ </p>
<p>On the Net: </p>
<p>Petroglyph Energy Inc., http://tinyurl.com/ybfpcco </p>
<p>Walsenburg 2009 Drinking Water Consumer Confidence Report for Calendar Year 2008, http://tinyurl.com/yenabct</p>
<p>http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/us_methane_mystery</p>
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		<title>Exploding Wells in Colorado Homes Due to Gas Exploration</title>
		<link>http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/02/exploding-wells-in-colorado-homes-due-to-gas-exploration/</link>
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		<pubDate>Mon, 02 Nov 2009 14:25:32 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>compassionate1</dc:creator>
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		<description><![CDATA[Colorado county copes with methane mystery Buzz up!111 votes Send Email IM Share Delicious Digg Facebook Fark Newsvine Reddit StumbleUpon Technorati Twitter Yahoo! Bookmarks Print AP – In this photograph taken on Monday, Aug. 10, 2009, the sign and fire &#8230; <a href="http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/11/02/exploding-wells-in-colorado-homes-due-to-gas-exploration/">Continue reading <span class="meta-nav">&#8594;</span></a><img alt="" border="0" src="http://stats.wordpress.com/b.gif?host=publiclandwars.wordpress.com&amp;blog=9189990&amp;post=93&amp;subd=publiclandwars&amp;ref=&amp;feed=1" width="1" height="1" />]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Colorado county copes with methane mystery</p>
<p>        Buzz up!111 votes<br />
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 AP – In this photograph taken on Monday, Aug. 10, 2009, the sign and fire extinguisher were put up near a …<br />
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<p>By JUDITH KOHLER, Associated Press Writer Judith Kohler, Associated Press Writer – Sun Nov 1, 7:19 pm ET<br />
WALSENBURG, Colo. – Bernice and Jerry Angely like to show visitors the singed T-shirt a friend was wearing when their water well exploded and shot flames 30 feet high.</p>
<p>The friend wasn&#8217;t hurt. But that and an explosion at another home weeks earlier forced Colorado to suspend natural gas drilling around this southern plains town until someone could find out why dangerous levels of methane were getting into the groundwater.</p>
<p>Two years later, Walsenburg and surrounding Huerfano County are still waiting, its residents caught in a collision between two of the West&#8217;s vital resources: Water and natural gas.</p>
<p>&#8220;The water is so saturated with methane and other chemicals it is not to be used for human consumption,&#8221; said Bernice Angely, who&#8217;s had water trucked to her home 10 miles west of town since her well blew up in July 2007.</p>
<p>Petroglyph Energy Inc., a Boise, Idaho-based firm that has worked the rolling plains of the Raton Basin since 1999, suspended drilling until it can stem the methane. Colorado also is rewriting rules that had allowed Petroglyph to discharge water runoff from its drilling into streams and creeks.</p>
<p>But Petroglyph says it&#8217;s not clear the drilling caused the methane leaks or prompted other area water wells to run dry. Eying what it calls an extremely promising natural gas field, it believes a shallow water formation tapped by area homeowners isn&#8217;t connected to a deeper one pumped by the company for its drilling operations.</p>
<p>Petroglyph chief operating officer Paul Powell also believes a growing number of new homes in the area could explain some of the dry water wells.</p>
<p>&#8220;We&#8217;ll do what we need to do,&#8221; Powell said, stressing that his firm is working with the state on a solution.</p>
<p>Petroglyph has a plan to prevent the flow of methane into water wells by creating a hydraulic barrier. The company has proposed pumping water from an underground formation and injecting it into a row of wells where gas drilling occurs. Powell said gas will migrate into a void, and &#8220;if the void is full of water, there isn&#8217;t room for gas to migrate through it.&#8221;</p>
<p>State regulators say the plan is plausible but that Petroglyph needs to prove it works. Democratic U.S. Rep. John Salazar, who farms in the nearby San Luis Valley, has asked the U.S. Geological Survey to weigh in by evaluating the area&#8217;s water quality and formations to determine if the gas drilling is to blame for the problems.</p>
<p>Water coursing through porous rock and streams has allowed farming, ranching and new subdivisions to thrive in the semiarid area about 160 miles south of Denver.</p>
<p>It also helps trap methane gas in the vast coal seams that once made the area a mining hot spot. The coal mines are gone, but the methane that made digging for it dangerous is a valuable resource. Companies like Petroglyph pump huge volumes of water out of the ground to relieve the pressure trapping the natural gas.</p>
<p>Steve Gunderson, director of Colorado&#8217;s water quality control division, said Petroglyph will have to build a water treatment plant before it gets a new permit to discharge water. The old permit allowed Petroglyph to release up to 8 million gallons of water daily.</p>
<p>Fourth-generation dairy farmer Brett Corsentino blames the discharges into the Cucharas River for ruining his corn crops. He uses river water to irrigate his crops just a few miles east of the homeowners having problems with their wells. He says the high levels of sodium in the wastewater has diminished his soil&#8217;s ability to absorb water and stunted the corn&#8217;s growth.</p>
<p>&#8220;They say, `Well, there&#8217;s no proof,&#8217;&#8221; Corsentino said. &#8220;Well, we&#8217;d been getting along for generations just fine until they started pumping 8 million gallons out of this country.&#8221;</p>
<p>Corsentino also says his herd suffered abnormally high birth and death rates and now numbers 400, down from 650. He believes the cows consumed too much sodium from the water and corn grown from it. His corn used to produce 6,000 tons of silage; this year&#8217;s crop yielded 1,500 tons.</p>
<p>However, Corsentino says his herd is healthier and milk production has increased since drilling stopped.</p>
<p>&#8220;There&#8217;s an obvious direct, substantial impact to Brett Corsentino&#8217;s dairy,&#8221; the state&#8217;s Gunderson said of the drilling. </p>
<p>Petroglyph paid for soil tests on Corsentino&#8217;s farm. They showed high levels of sodium but that it also needed more calcium, Powell said. Petroglyph and Corsentino are discussing possible treatments. </p>
<p>&#8220;We still don&#8217;t believe we have liability for the situation,&#8221; Powell said. &#8220;But we were willing to help him fix his land and get back to productivity.&#8221; </p>
<p>Ten miles west of Walsenburg, a rushing sound emanates from a pipe that vents methane from Ben and Melanie Bounds&#8217; water well. The pipe was installed after a June 2007 explosion blew off a shed roof covering the well. </p>
<p>The Bounds had moved from Dallas to build what they call their dream home atop a hill with a breathtaking view of the Spanish Peaks. They say their problems started when Petroglyph began drilling nearby. They&#8217;re suing the company and haul water from town to their cistern. </p>
<p>&#8220;If I could run the clock back, we&#8217;d have never tried this,&#8221; Ben Bounds said. </p>
<p>&#8220;I had more methane coming out of my water well than they had out of any of their gas wells. It sounded like a locomotive going down the road,&#8221; said Kent Smith, who also has a methane detector in his house. &#8220;The damage and the problems they&#8217;ve caused have got to be addressed, and they keep getting pushed aside and forgotten about.&#8221; </p>
<p>Petroglyph insists it&#8217;s a good neighbor. Despite the methane mystery, it&#8217;s trucking water to 14 area homes and has supplied 15 homes with methane alarm systems. </p>
<p>___ </p>
<p>On the Net: </p>
<p>Petroglyph Energy Inc., http://tinyurl.com/ybfpcco </p>
<p>Walsenburg 2009 Drinking Water Consumer Confidence Report for Calendar Year 2008, http://tinyurl.com/yenabct</p>
<p>http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/us_methane_mystery</p>
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		<title>Young Life wants land swap with BLM</title>
		<link>http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/10/25/young-life-wants-land-swap-with-blm/</link>
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		<pubDate>Sun, 25 Oct 2009 15:44:39 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>compassionate1</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[LAND SWAPS / GENERAL]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[By Holly Gill The Madras Pioneer A checkerboard of federally owned parcels within the boundaries of the Young Life Washington Family Ranch east of Antelope is fueling talk of a trade. “We’re working on a very large land exchange between &#8230; <a href="http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/10/25/young-life-wants-land-swap-with-blm/">Continue reading <span class="meta-nav">&#8594;</span></a><img alt="" border="0" src="http://stats.wordpress.com/b.gif?host=publiclandwars.wordpress.com&amp;blog=9189990&amp;post=90&amp;subd=publiclandwars&amp;ref=&amp;feed=1" width="1" height="1" />]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>By Holly Gill<br />
The Madras Pioneer</p>
<p>     A checkerboard of federally owned parcels within the boundaries of the Young Life Washington Family Ranch east of Antelope is fueling talk of a trade.<br />
     “We’re working on a very large land exchange between Young Life, a few other private landowners and the BLM,” Forrest Reinhardt, a Young Life youth pastor who represents the Washington Family Ranch, told the Jefferson County Commission Oct. 14.<br />
     Reinhardt and Aaron Kilgore, John Day coordinator for the Oregon Natural Desert Association, outlined the proposal for the commission. Kilgore’s association has been assisting ownership and land management issues along the Lower John Day River over the past few years.<br />
     Under terms of the proposal, the Bureau of Land Management would give up a total of 12,323 acres to Young Life. In exchange, Young Life would give 8,821 acres to the BLM to create two wilderness areas — Horse Heaven (8,015 acres) and Coffin Rock.<br />
     Two other property owners, Bud Shrum, and Bill Smith of Cherry Creek Ranch, would also be part of the exchange. Shrum would give the BLM 494 acres and receive 594 acres in return, and Smith would give the BLM 1,057 acres and receive 1,158 acres.<br />
     In total, the BLM would trade 14, 075 acres for 10,372 acres of private land.<br />
     “The final exchange numbers would be subject to an appraisal to ensure that the exchanges between three private landowners and the BLM are equal value,” Kilgore noted.<br />
     “The fact that the total acreage reflects a net gain to private landowners is because the public would be acquiring higher-value lands along the wild and scenic river, while private landowners would be primarily acquiring uplands, at significantly lower value,” Kilgore said.<br />
     The exchanges would give the public access to more than 10,000 acres of public land that had previously been surrounded by private land and unavailable for public access. At the same time, it would make the Young Life property, which hosts youth camps, safer for visitors, since hunters would no longer be attempting to access properties within its borders.<br />
     Over four miles of the Wild and Scenic John Day River would be converted to public ownership in the Coffin Rock area, “thereby expanding public access for river users including anglers, hunters and boaters in a popular area,” Kilgore said.<br />
Federal legislation must be enacted for the government to exchange land with private parties, Reinhardt pointed out. “Now the only way you can execute these large land exchanges with the BLM is through legislation. There has to be wilderness involved.”<br />
     If Reinhardt can obtain approval from the three counties affected by the trades — Jefferson, Wheeler and Wasco — he intends to work on a bill with Oregon legislators in Washington, D.C.<br />
     “I’m heading back to D.C. at the end of this month to get the ball rolling on legislation,” he added.<br />
     When commissioners asked if Young Life had run into any problems putting the land exchange together, Reinhardt responded that although there have been concerns expressed along the way, “It’s a win-win-win, or no deal. There’s been no opposition by an private landowner.”<br />
     The commission unanimously agreed to write a letter supporting the exchange and creation of the Coffin Rock and Horse Heaven wilderness areas.</p>
<p>http://www.thedalleschronicle.com/news/2009/10/news10-25-09-03.shtml</p>
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		<title>A New Act to Protect Public Lands &amp; Wildlife, but will it help wild horses and burros?</title>
		<link>http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/10/25/a-new-act-to-protect-public-lands-wildlife-but-will-it-help-wild-horses-and-burros/</link>
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		<pubDate>Sun, 25 Oct 2009 14:04:59 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>compassionate1</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[1]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Wild Horses and Burros]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[The greatest good for the greatest number By Barry R. Noon Posted: 10/24/2009 01:00:00 AM MDT Updated: 10/24/2009 06:20:29 AM MDT Gifford Pinchot, the first chief of the Forest Service, said that our public lands should provide for &#8221; the &#8230; <a href="http://publiclandwars.wordpress.com/2009/10/25/a-new-act-to-protect-public-lands-wildlife-but-will-it-help-wild-horses-and-burros/">Continue reading <span class="meta-nav">&#8594;</span></a><img alt="" border="0" src="http://stats.wordpress.com/b.gif?host=publiclandwars.wordpress.com&amp;blog=9189990&amp;post=88&amp;subd=publiclandwars&amp;ref=&amp;feed=1" width="1" height="1" />]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The greatest good for the greatest number </p>
<p>By Barry R. Noon<br />
Posted: 10/24/2009 01:00:00 AM MDT<br />
Updated: 10/24/2009 06:20:29 AM MDT</p>
<p>Gifford Pinchot, the first chief of the Forest Service, said that our public lands should provide for &#8221; the greatest good for the greatest number&#8221;. He came up with this vision for our national forests over a hundred years ago. Today, Pinchot&#8217;s goal is as meaningful as it was at the turn of the last century. Tens of thousands of Americans across the country and here in Colorado took up his cause this past Saturday, National Public Lands Day, by helping to plant trees, repair trails, clean campsites and pick trash out of rivers and wetlands. While it&#8217;s always inspiring to see people take an interest in our public lands, it is important to consider how our view of public lands has changed over the last 104 years.</p>
<p>The land-use practices on our public lands that bring the greatest good to the greatest number are different than they were a century ago. In Colorado and around the country, our public lands are of increasing relevance to us because of the accelerating rate at which we are losing our land and water to development.</p>
<p>At this time, the available scientific evidence suggests that all major ecosystems are dominated by humans. That is, humans have altered the landscape so much that we&#8217;re impacting the diversity of fish, plants and wildlife &#8212; we are changing the very processes of life essential for human welfare.</p>
<p>As a consequence or our behaviors, many plant and animal species in all ecological systems—on land, in our seas, and in rivers, lakes and streams—are currently declining. To illustrate the magnitude of our environmental footprint, consider that humans consume over 45 percent of all plant growth, over 25 percent of marine productivity, and about 60 percent of accessible freshwater. And as our population continues to grow, the human impact on the environment will only get worse.</p>
<p>Although we have seen rapid improvements in technology, and our capacity to change the landscape through mining, timber development, and energy production have greatly expanded, the majority of laws governing the management of our public lands (over 400 million acres) were passed from 30 to over 100 years ago. An extreme case is the 1872 Mining Law, but even the National Environmental Policy Act is now 40 years old. Most land-use laws largely made sense at the time they were passed—and most favored the exploitation of natural resources. However, given the rate that private lands are being development, the continued exploitation of our public lands no longer achieves Pinchot&#8217;s goal of the greatest good for the greatest number.</p>
<p>It&#8217;s time to revisit the policies governing the management of our public lands. We need to shift away from merely exploiting timber, minerals, and water from our public lands. Environmental trends, and particularly climate change, suggest that the greatest good for the greatest number will be achieved by emphasizing ecological sustainability and environmental stewardship. Both Congress and the Obama administration have the opportunity to advance environmental stewardship on our public lands.</p>
<p>For example, Secretary of Agriculture Tom Vilsack has decided not to continue the Bush-era regulations that govern the use of our national forests. Instead, they are exploring new forest policy that could emphasize stewardship and restoration of degraded lands, such as the decommissioning of roads and the removal of outdated dams. Importantly, both Congress and the Obama administration have the opportunity to instate a clear requirement in the National Forest Management Act that the Forest Service should manage national forests and grasslands for sustainable wildlife populations, including species such as deer, elk and trout that are particularly important to a majority of Coloradoans.</p>
<p>Currently, Congress is considering a bill, America&#8217;s Wildlife Heritage Act, H.R. 2807, introduced by Representatives Ron Kind (D-WI) and Walter Jones (R-NC) that would achieve this. The Obama administration should support that bill and also develop land-use policies that emphasize science-based management of our public lands—that is, policies that promote science based tools to sustain fish and wildlife populations and the resources and ecosystems on which they depend. Doing so will produce the greatest good for the greatest number, finally fulfilling Pinchot&#8217;s vision.</p>
<p>Barry R. Noon is a professor of wildlife ecology at Colorado State University. This column represents his own views and not necessarily CSU&#8217;s.</p>
<p>This online-only guest commentary was not edited.</p>
<p>http://www.denverpost.com/headlines/ci_13627919#</p>
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